The Role of Teachers and School Leaders in Mass Shootings and Multiple -

The Role of Teachers and School Leaders in Mass Shootings and Multiple Victim Violence

Kweilin T. Lucas, Ph.D.

Mars Hill University

Reneé D. Lamphere, Ph.D.

University of North Carolina at Pembroke

School violence prevention has been at the forefront of societal concerns for decades, however, recent incidents of mass shootings in school settings have helped to move the discussion forward even further, given recent tragedies that have occurred throughout schools in the United States. Without a doubt, mass shootings have changed the culture of the school environment, including the classroom itself (Interlandi, 2018). Schools have begun to utilize lockdown curtains and drill bags more often now than they previously have – likely a reaction to recent tragedies (Willingham, 2018), and it is becoming more common for law enforcement agencies to offer trainings to schools and universities that teach participants to run, hide, and fight in the event of an active shooter (Pierce, 2019). In a sense, school shootings have become a catalyst to the ongoing gun control debate in the United States (Merica & Klein, 2018). As a result, several notable policy changes have taken place following recent school shootings. For example, following the tragedy at Sandy Hook, the Connecticut Supreme Court ruled that Remington, the manufacturer of the rifle used in the shooting, can be sued because of how their firearm was marketed to youth (Lindsay, 2019). Remington recently requested that the court decide on the state’s interpretation of a federal statute that grants immunity to gun manufacturers following injuries that result from the misuse of their product during the commission of a crime (Jorgensen & Anthony, 2019). The case, which is still pending, has the potential to serve as a precedent for gun companies to be held liable for their role in mass shootings, which has not been the case historically (Jorgensen & Anthony, 2019; Lindsay, 2019).

Perhaps one of the more controversial policies to stem from recent mass shootings are those which involve the arming of school staff, particularly teachers, as a way of deterring or stopping attacks. While school resource officers are usually armed because of their authority positions, it is much less common for teachers. Recently, however, President Trump suggested that arming teachers might be a practical, inexpensive solution to preventing school shootings (Superville, 2018). The statement, which was made during a listening session with school shooting survivors, teachers, and families following the Parkland shooting, received mixed reaction from those who attended. While some in the audience concurred with the suggestion, others said that they would rather address the root causes of the issues than arm more people with firearms (Abramson, 2018). Many people resonate with this position; in fact, studies have found that teachers’ unions and law enforcement organizations largely oppose the idea of arming teachers in school (Chokshi, 2018). Several teachers who have survived school shootings have publicly spoken out against firearms in school and have concurred that the idea is dangerous, it can make situations worse, and it puts teachers in positions that far exceed their responsibilities (Clements, 2018). Further, the policy contradicts research which suggests that having access to a gun increases the risks posed to children (Clements, 2018; Luo & McIntire, 2013). So far, it has been difficult to determine the effectiveness of arming teachers. There are, however, recent reports of teachers’ guns going off in the classroom (Ozimek, 2019; Swisher, 2019), which reveals serious flaws in this prevention strategy. Regardless, since the Parkland shooting, 14 states have introduced measures to arm teachers and staff. As of this writing, only one proposal has passed (Griggs & Andone, 2018).

The role that teachers and school leaders play in preventing incidents of mass violence in school settings are noticeably missing from the dialog because it has been muted by the gun control debate. In addition, the paucity of literature that examines this dimension of school violence reveals that little is known moving forward. Considering that teachers and school leaders have an unprecedented ability to influence and enforce school policies, and they are at the forefront of school shootings, their views must be taken into consideration in the development, implementation, and evaluation of prevention strategies. The mission of this chapter is to provide an overview of the vital role that teachers and school leaders play in mass shootings and incidents of multiple victim violence. The discussion will begin with an overview of the nature and extent of mass shootings in schools to better frame the phenomenon. The chapter also includes an overview of the role that teachers and school leaders played in some of the deadliest school shootings in modern American history. Certainly, reflecting on the lessons learned from previous school shootings allows for more understanding of both the causes and consequences of this behavior so that other tragedies can be prevented in the future (Ricketts, 2007).

The Nature & Extent of Mass Shootings in Schools

Prior to discussing the role of teachers and school leaders in mass shootings, one must first consider the nature and extent of this behavior, as well as its lack of contextual clarity. One challenge to studying this phenomenon is that school shootings are often interpreted and measured differently. That is, media outlets, academic researchers, and law enforcement agencies utilize different conceptualizations of mass shootings, further complicating one’s understanding of trends and the relationship between mass shootings and gun policy (Duwe, Kovandzic, & Moody, 2002; Fox & Fridel, 2016). There are, however, several definitions that have helped to shape a broader understanding of the behavior over time. For example, the FBI defines a mass murderer as someone who commits homicide against four or more people – not including him/herself – in a single incident, usually in a single location (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2005). Importantly, however, the United States government has never explicitly defined mass shooting. In addition, there is no universally accepted definition of the term. Therefore, it is difficult to accurately assess the frequency of mass shootings (Krouse & Richardson, 2015). School shootings, which are often referred to among researches as attacks, usually involving the use of firearms, that occur at an educational institution such as a school or university, are also categorized as mass shootings in official reports if they result in four or more fatalities (Vossekuil et al., 2004).

Much of what is known about mass shootings comes from studies that provide data about the number of mass shootings which have occurred, as well as the number of fatalities. In turn, this information is often used by researchers in conjunction with other sources of information (Puzzanchera, Chamberlin, & Kang, 2017). Although research efforts offer insight into mass shootings, there are limitations to consider. For example, according to data from Everytown for Gun Safety (2018), 273 school shootings occurred in the United States between the years 2013 and 2018. On the surface, the statistics are alarming – one school shooting per week. However, there are several extraneous factors to consider. First, a closer look at the Everytown data reveals that only 76 of the incidents (out of 273) had resulted in the injury of students in primary and secondary educational levels. Additionally, the other cases included in the dataset involved accidental shootings, suicide attempts, altercations on school property, and incidents that occurred on college campuses (Everytown for Gun Safety, 2018). Therefore, this information reveals that school shootings remain relatively rare. Regardless, it is important to examine the best ways to handle these ‘worst case’ scenarios so that students and school officials are well-informed and prepared, should they ever find themselves in a dangerous situation.

Figure 1 – School Shootings in Modern U.S. History

Location

Death Toll

Injured

Virginia Tech University (2007)

Sandy Hook Elementary (2012)

Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School (2018)

University of Texas at Austin (1966)

Columbine High School (1999)

Santa Fe High School (2018)

Umpqua Community College (2015)

Red Lake High School (2005)

California State University Fullerton (1976)

Oikos University (2012)

Cleveland Elementary School (1989)

University of Iowa (1991)

West Nickel Mines School (2006)

Illinois University (2008)

Santa Monica College (2013)

Westside Middle School (1998)

Marysville Pilchuck High School (2014)

Lindhurst High School (1992)

University of Arizona Nursing School (2002)

Olean High School (1974)

Frontier Middle School (1996)

San Diego State University (1996)

Heath High School (1997)

Appalachian School of Law (2002)

Louisiana Technical College (2008)

University of Alabama in Huntsville (2010)

Chardon High School (2012)

Central Michigan University (2018)

Source: Rapp, L. (2015, October 2). The deadliest school shootings in U.S. history. Ranker.

Mass shootings have occurred in educational settings of all levels, including primary, secondary, and higher educational institutions. Although each incident has been heartbreakingly tragic, several are worth mentioning, since the aftermath has led to ongoing efforts to quell school violence. Moreover, modern school shootings reflect significant social change in terms of the media and technology. That is, these incidents occurred during a time where information is easily broadcast to world, whether it be through television news or the Internet. Figure 1 offers a complete list of the deadliest school shootings in modern U.S. history (Rapp, 2015). The following section discusses the events of four school shootings that have had a significant impact on violence prevention policies, including the massacres at Columbine High School, Virginia Tech University, Sandy Hook Elementary School, and Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School. In addition, the following section includes a discussion of the role that teachers and school leaders played in the four incidents, in order to offer additional context about the challenges that await policymakers, school officers, parents, and students in preventing mass shootings.

Columbine High School

The tragedy at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado remains one of the worst mass shootings and deadliest episodes of school violence in the history of the United States (CNN, 2000; Cullen, 2009; Rapp, 2015). On April 20, 1999, students Eric Harris, 18, and Dylan Klebold, 17, wreaked havoc on their school, killing twelve students and one teacher before taking their own lives in the school library (CNN, 2018). There is a significant amount of evidence to indicate that Harris and Klebold had meticulously planned to attack school for well over a year before the incident occurred (CNN, 2000; Cullen, 2004). In fact, Harris and Klebold referenced the massacre in journal entries and videotapes that were made prior to the attack and posted online to a website that Harris ran; evidence known to investigators as ‘The Basement Tapes’ (Cullen, 2004). In addition, Harris and Klebold were each dressed in black cargo pants, combat boots, fingerless gloves, and leather dusters (trench coats). They both also wore utility belts carrying shotgun shells, CO2 bombs, bullet clips, and knives, as well as match strikers taped to their forearms to light bombs. Several weapons were used during the attack, including a rifle, handguns, sawed-off shotguns, dozens of homemade bombs, and a variety of knives (CNN, 2000; Cullen, 2004, 2009). Harris and Klebold intended to not only instigate a mass shooting, but to set off a massive number of bombs that were set up throughout school property as well, including the parking lot where their cars were packed with more explosive devices. Harris and Klebold wanted to target not only students and school staff, but rescue workers and reporters who were broadcasting live from the scene. Their plan, however, was not fully executed because the explosive devices that they made were not properly wired to detonate. If the bombs had been used how they were originally intended, Harris and Klebold would have killed hundreds of more people (Cullen, 2004, 2009).

Subsequently following the massacre at Columbine High School, several now de-bunked myths emerged, many of which were driven by media depictions of the gunmen (Chen, 2009). For example, the initial media reports suggested that Harris and Klebold were loners who targeted other students because they were bullied and oppressed by the school jocks who touted power over the entire student body (Chen, 2009; Pankratz, 2000). At the time, many people suggested that exposure to goth music influenced the massacre. Marilyn Manson, who stands out as being unique from other performers at the time, was especially vilified by society for influencing the Columbine shooting, a point that he has vehemently opposed, as it contradicts his personal philosophy of creating music that promotes individuality and challenging social norms (Manson, 1999). Over a decade after the attack, however, these explanations have been abandoned, as other explanations give more context to the situation. For example, much evidence points to several facts: Harris and Klebold were not members of the Trench Coat Mafia, they were not bullied by other students, they did not listen to Marilyn Manson, and they were not responding to any type of trauma (Cullen, 2009). After years of analyzing information related to the Columbine school shooting, it is largely recognized that the perpetrators each suffered from mental health conditions. For example, Dylan Klebold was depressed, suicidal, and internalized his angst. Conversely, Eric Harris was a psychopath – he externally presented himself in a likeable manner, however internally, he was unbelievably cold, diabolical, and wanted to harm as many people as possible (Cullen, 2004). In fact, Harris and Klebold did not even intentionally plan a mass shooting. Rather, they wanted to bomb Columbine High School, an event that would exceed levels set forth by the Oklahoma City bombing which had occurred several years earlier (Chen, 2009; Cullen, 2004). Researchers suggest that Harris and Klebold wanted to terrorize the nation by directly attacking a school, which symbolizes the American dream, and carry out historic devastation in the process. They did not specifically target people; anyone who stood in the way, students and faculty, were just collateral damage (Cullen, 2004). It is also important to keep in mind that the rampage at Columbine, which happened very quickly, was the first large-scale attack that schools and authorities have ever seen. Therefore, there were very few plans in place to address the situation in such a short amount of time (Toppo, 2018).

Several notable stories emerged from the Columbine shooting that involved teachers. For example, Dave Sanders, a teacher, and school custodians Jon Curtis and Jay Gallantine, played vital roles in protecting students by getting them out of the cafeteria when the attack first began (Cullen, 2009). Video footage shows the men directing students to get down before the students eventually exited the cafeteria, hid under tables, or sought refuge in the kitchen area of the school. When Klebold, who was fully armed, walked by the cafeteria, the room appeared to be empty of students, which led him to take another less populated direction. By responding quickly to the situation, Sanders, Curtis, and Gallantine heroically saved students’ lives that day (CNN, 2000). Sanders was shot by Harris in the back and he bled to death in a classroom after waiting hours for help to reach him – a move that received heavy public backlash (Olinger, 1999). In another part of the school, Patricia Nielson, an art teacher who is most well-known to have placed the first phone call to 911, helped usher a wounded student to safety in the library (CNN, 2000; Cullen, 2009). Audio recordings of the tape indicate that Nielson also tried to protect the students by directing them to stay under the tables and behind chairs (A Columbine Site, n.d.; Paige, 1999). At one point during the massacre, Harris and Klebold approached the desk she was hiding under and fired into it several times before eventually leaving for another area of the library where they had committed suicide (Deseret News, 1999). In a panic, she left the phone laying on the floor before crawling off to find a better hiding place where she remained until she was relieved by police several hours later (A Columbine Site, n.d.). The audio recording continued to capture the chaos that was happening in the library for another 20 minutes before it was disconnected. In an interview with the Denver Post, Neilson reflected on the tragedy and indicated that her instincts and previous emergency trainings has kicked in. Importantly, Nielson not only knew there was a telephone behind the main desk in the library, but she knew how to make outside phone calls by dialing 9 before calling 911 (Paige, 1999). Undoubtedly, this is something that needs to be taken into consideration in terms of emergency preparedness and availability to technology to displace emergency calls.

Virginia Tech University

On April 16, 2007, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, located in Blacksburg, Virginia, was terrorized by Seung Hui Cho, 23, an undergraduate student who studied at the university. The massacre, which took place in took place in two separate locations on campus grounds including a dormitory and classroom, resulted in 32 fatalities of both students and faculty, and dozens of injuries (Williams & Morrison, 2007). At the time that the shooting occurred, it was on record as being the deadliest mass shooting in modern United States history, however that title now goes to the Pulse nightclub and Las Vegas music festival attacks (49 and 58 fatalities, respectively) (BBC News, 2017; Ellis, Fantz, Karimi, & McLaughlin, 2016). Still, the Virginia Tech shooting remains the deadliest school shooting in United States history (Elizalde, 2018). This incident not only shocked the world, but it sparked heated debate over mental illness and control when it was discovered that the gunman was able to purchase firearms despite having a history of violence and mental illness (CNN, 2007; Linderberger, 2007).

The terrifying ordeal at Virginia Tech lasted for several hours (Pilkington, Clark, & MacAskill, 2007). The first two victims, male and female undergraduate students, were shot in West Ambler Johnston Hall just after 7:00 a.m. (Williams & Morrison, 2007). It is unclear where the gunman went next, however, at one point between the two shootings, Cho drove to the local post office where he mailed videos and writings to the office building of NBC News. The package, which Cho referred to as his “manifesto,” contained evidence of him going on a disturbing rant about the massacre at Virginia Tech. In the videos and writings, he sensationalized the Columbine school shooting, and angrily insisted that society forced him to carry out the attack. There were also photos of him pointing his gun into the camera, which was shared widely with the public (Johnson, 2007). Several hours after the first shooting, Cho returned to campus carrying a bookbag that contained chains, locks, knives, a hammer, two handguns, and hundreds of rounds of ammunition (Massengill Report, 2007). Once he arrived at Norris Hall, Cho chained the doors to the main entrance, which was detrimental to first responders’ access the building (Associated Press, 2007; Pilkington et al., 2007). According to investigators, the gunman continued to four separate classrooms, each of which he shot into, killing students and professors who were teaching classes. In total, 25 students, and 5 faculty members had lost their lives in the massacre. Dozens of survivors sustained injuries after being shot or jumping from a classroom window to escape. Reports indicate that Cho had enough ammunition on him (over 200 rounds) to kill more people, but his time expired before he had time to do so. The gunman died by suicide after police began to approach him (Massengill Report, 2007; Williams & Morrison, 2007).

Cho had a history of mental illness, specifically, severe anxiety disorder; however, the university was not aware of it because federal law prohibits that information from being known (Friedman, 2009). Importantly, however, there were several warning signs that pointed to Cho’s unsettling behavior. For example, in a poetry course taught by Dr. Nikki Giovanni, Cho was uncooperative and disruptive, and often covered his face with glasses or a hat and talked in low voices. In the course, Cho had often referred to violence in his writings. Additionally, other students began to become scared of him. The concerning behavior was reported to the university after Giovanni noted that he was interfering with her teaching and students were no longer going to class because of Cho. In fact, several had indicated that Cho took cell phone pictures of them without their permission. Giovanni demanded that Cho be removed from the class (Bowers, 2018). He was problematic for other instructors as well. His writings and assignments became so dark and disturbing, that he was removed from a creative writing course to be instructed one-on-one with the English Department’s chair, Dr. Lucinda Roy (CNN, 2007). Although the professor had sought help for Cho from a mental health specialist on campus, as well as law enforcement officials, there was no follow up examination of him (Tapper & Miller, 2007). Cho eventually followed the advice of his professors to seek counseling, however it only resulted in two telephone conversations and one in-person visit to the Cook Counseling Center (Friedman, 2009).

There were other barriers that were not properly addressed which may have contributed to the tragedy as well. For example, on the morning of the shooting, Cho chained the doors to a building and positioned a note warning that a bomb would go off if anyone removed them. A faculty member saw the note and then proceeded to carry it to the dean’s office in Norris Hall, rather than calling the police immediately, which is what university protocol entails (Massengill Report, 2007). In addition, there was not university-furnished messaging system in place for faculty to send or receive an alarm. Therefore, unless someone carried a phone or electronic device, there were limited ways to communicate from the classrooms. The closest phone was on the third floor of the building that Cho targeted. Had the bomb threat on the door been promptly handled differently, police may have arrived at the campus sooner (Massengill Report, 2007). That is not to say, however, that those involved did not react to the situation as best that they could. During the attack, Cho was initially prevented from entering two of the four classrooms because the instructors and students inside had created barriers to prevent the gunman from entering (Massengill Report, 2007). In classroom 204, Liviu Librescu, a renowned aeronautical engineering educator and researcher who survived the Holocaust, held the door closed so that his students could escape the room through the windows. He was killed after being shot by Cho multiple times through the door (Cooper & Reitman, 2007; Massengill Report, 2007). In classroom 211, Jocelyne Couture-Nowak, an Instructor in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature, also attempted to barricade the door to the room and was killed by Cho almost instantly (Hayasaki, 2007).

Sandy Hook Elementary School

On December 14, 2012 in Newtown, Connecticut, Adam Lanza, 20, opened fire and killed 20 children, ages six and seven, and six adults at Sandy Hook Elementary School (Barron, 2012). Prior to the massacre, Lanza also shot and killed his own mother, Nancy Lanza, in their home before driving to the school. After the siege, the gunman committed suicide in the school by shooting himself in the head (CNN, 2012; Lysiak, 2013). The tragedy was the deadliest mass shooting at either a high school or grade school in U.S. history (Rapp, 2015). During the siege, Lanza, wearing black fatigues and a military vest, was armed with three guns that he had taken from his house, including a semi-automatic AR-15 assault rifle and two handguns (CNN, 2012). Once he infiltrated the school, Lanza targeted two classrooms of kindergartners and first-graders where 14 students and one teacher, and 6 students and one teacher were killed, respectively (CNN, 2012). Teachers and staff only had a few moments to respond to the attack once they understood what was happening. In some cases, students were ushered into bathrooms and closets by their teachers during the incident. Most of them, however, were left exposed to the gunmen once he gained access to the hallway and classrooms. Reports indicate that earlier in the year, the school had installed a new security system where visitors wee visually identified and buzzed into the main area by staff. In addition, the doors to the school were locked each morning at 9:30 a.m. Tragically, however, the security feature and locked door did not stop the gunman; Adam Lanza had used an assault weapon to shoot his way into the building (CNN, 2012).

After a thorough investigation, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) concluded that Lanza had meticulously planned the attack by himself more than 21 months before the incident, however they did not know his motive for certain (Altimari, Kauffman, & Kovner, 2017). It was widely reported that Lanza was diagnosed with Asperger’s syndrome, as well as depression, anxiety, and obsessive-compulsive disorder; troubles that his mother tried to help and address several times (Lysiak, 2013). In addition to mental health issues, it was well known that Lanza’s mother Nancy used firearms for recreational purposes and had several in her home. In addition, Nancy often took Adam with her to the shooting range, and that she had purchased his firearms herself (Altimari, 2013). It is not known whether Lanza’s mother had any precautions in place to limit access to the firearms, or if she considered that he may use them on himself others. Surprisingly, there was no mention of access to, or use of, firearms in any of Lanza’s educational, medical, or mental health records (Office of the Child Advocate, 2014).

Following the aftermath of the shooting, there was much debate surrounding gun control at the federal and state levels (Bruce, 2012). One month after the attack, President Barack Obama laid forth a plan to reduce gun violence by closing background check loopholes; banning assault weapons and high-capacity magazines; making schools safer; and increasing access to mental health services (White House, 2013). One of the more significant calls to action took place recently when the Connecticut Supreme Court ruled that Remington, the gun manufacturer of the AR-15 style rifle used by Lanza, can be sued because of the way the firearm was marketed to young people. The 4-3 decision may serve to affect other cases that accuse gun-makers of being held responsible for mass shootings (Collins, 2019). It is important to note that although these issues were not individual seen as being a direct cause of the incident, officials pointed to a combination of deteriorating mental health, a preoccupation with violence, and access to weapons as contributing factors. Officials did note, however, that Adam Lanza was left untreated in the years that preceded the shooting and he did not receive effective services during critical periods of his life. As such, it was recommended in the report that teachers and administrators, as well as parents, pediatricians, and public service personnel, have access to training that addresses mental health issues among youth. This policy recommendation also extended to include important developmental years, as well as significant changes to one’s everyday routine (Office of the Child Advocate, 2014).

Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School

On February 14, 2018, Nicholas Cruz, a 19-year old from Parkland, Florida, used an AR-15 rifle to open fire on students and staff at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School (Chuck, Johnson, & Siemaszko, 2018). Reports indicate that on the morning of the attack, Cruz, who had been expelled from school earlier in the year, used an Uber to get to the campus. Once he was dropped off, he entered the school through a door on the first floor and began firing into four classrooms. While in the school, Cruz activated a fire alarm to draw people outside and try to increase casualties. He continued to shoot his way down the hallway and up to the second and third floors and then eventually, he exited the building. A short time later, police, who knew the identity of the shooter, arrested Cruz after he was spotted walking on the side of a nearby road two miles from the school. The gunman, who had admitted to the school shooting, killed 17 people and left 14 others seriously wounded. The massacre in Parkland, which had occurred during of span of 10 minutes, was the deadliest school shooting since the incident at Sandy Hook Elementary School, with fatalities that exceeded those at Columbine (Chuck et al., 2014; Sanchez, 2018). Following the attack, a grand jury in Broward County, Florida indicted Cruz on 17 counts of first-degree murder, and 17 counts for premeditated murder (Sanchez, 2018). Cruz’s motive for the shooting was not first-known, however it was discovered that at one point, he had made comments about being a professional school shooter on YouTube (Apel, 2018). Other warning signs included Cruz’s affinity to guns and violence, his mental health issues, and the death of his adoptive mother several months prior (Sanchez, 2018). It was also recently revealed that Cruz told officers that he was hearing the voices moments after his capture. Because of this information, it is speculated that Cruz, who is currently awaiting trial in Florida, may opt for an insanity defense for his crime to avoid the death penalty (Spencer, 2019).

Like prior school shootings, several teachers lost their lives at Parkside trying to protect students. Scott Beigel, who taught geography at the high school, was killed after he had unlocked a door to a classroom and re-locked it once students were hidden away from Cruz (Dusenbury & Diaz, 2018). A football coach at the school, Aaron Feis, was also killed as he shielded students from the shooter, as was athletic director Chris Hixon, who ran toward the shooter to save students. All three men were hailed as heroes for their selfless acts (Chuck & Associated Press, 2018; Harris, 2018). Overall, it appears that the school was overwhelmed and unprepared for the attack. The fact that there was an armed police officer on campus did not deter Cruz. Instead, he was witnessed walking purposefully into the school building before gunshots were fired (Sanchez, 2018). In an interview following the attack, the watchman, Andrew Medina, stated that he recognized that Cruz was being the “crazy boy” who school staff were warned about in security team meeting. Despite this, Medina chose not to call for a school lockdown when Cruz was spotted approaching the school because he said that his training did not dictate him to do so. Instead, he understood that he was supposed to report the sighting to law enforcement. Additionally, Medina hesitated contacting authorities initially because he was trained not to set off anything unless he saw a firearm, or shots were fired (Alanez, McMahon, & Geggis, 2018). As for the school resource officer, he was heavily scrutinized (along with Medina) for not intervening. The officer, Scot Peterson, was also criticized for not confronting Cruz and for not rushing into the school during the massacre (Owen, 2018). In an interview, Peterson stated that he did not do so out of fear, but because there was miscommunication and chaos. Further, he thought that there was a sniper outside of the school, which is why he never entered the building (Guthrie & Connor, 2018).

The Role of Teachers in Mass Shootings

When one thinks of school violence, there may be a tendency to think of children as the victims; however, much like students, teachers can also be the victims of school violence (Ricketts, 2007). In fact, teachers are upwards of three times more likely than students to be the victims of violent crimes in the school setting (DeVoe, Peter, Noonan, Snyder, & Baum, 2005). It is estimated that 80% of teachers in the United States have been threatened with physical violence (Espelage et al., 2013). In the first nationwide study of teachers to examine predictors of victimization, researchers found that teacher victimization occurs less often with the presence of consistent discipline and positive psychosocial environments. The study also found that more self-reported teacher victimization occurs in densely crowded communities. These findings suggest that the school climate can influence the amount of disorder that schools experience (Gottfredson, Gottfredson, Payne, & Gottfredson, 2005).

During episodes of violence in school settings, teachers have been specifically targeted by shooters. In other cases, teacher have been injured or killed because they attempted to intercept the shooter, or because they were tragically in the wrong place at the wrong time. Although each incident is uniquely complex, when emergencies happen, teachers are largely responsible for maintaining control of the situation and protecting the best interests of the students by acting quickly and decreasing opportunities for victimization. Therefore, if communities are to avert school shootings, it is important to examine how teachers perceive, judge, and respond to incidents of school violence, as these ideologies and behaviors have important implications for students, and the school climate in general (Behre, Astor, & Meyer, 2001). Public policy prevention efforts need to consider the various ways that teachers have intervened in past massacres, including those that were successful, and those which were not. It is important to note that while several teachers died heroically trying to protect their students during past school shootings, many died at close range and did not have adequate time to respond to the threat. In addition, the classrooms were ill-prepared to support such threats of violence, which led those individuals to have very little to work with.

Reactions to school shootings have been both proactive and reactive. For example, following the Parkland shooting, the district implemented a policy that required students to carry clear backpacks and identification in school. In addition, the school reduced the number of entrances to the buildings and posted law enforcement at each point (Diao, 2018). School districts have also implemented voluntary firearms training, active shooter drills and trainings, and simulated school shootings to prepare teachers for school shootings (Robertson, 2018). Still, there is opposition, as many teachers have voiced that any amount of training will not prepare them to face an AR-15 and arming teachers will distract students. In addition, teachers have been injured in simulated trainings and have voiced that they are disorganized and insufficient (Lamb-Sinclair, 2018; Linton, 2019). In turn, teachers have prepared for attacks on their own or with students by identifying potential barricades, protective weapons, and places to hide (Lamb-Sinclair, 2018). Importantly, mass shootings have occurred on campuses where adults have been armed (Rosenblatt, 2018). Also, as Cruz demonstrated at Parkside, locked doors can be infiltrated by active shooters (Cullen, 2019).

In order to prevent school shootings, policymakers must consider other areas in need of improvement, such as the well-being of students’ social, psychological, and emotional health (Lamb-Sinclair, 2018). If teachers can identify warning signs from the beginning, it can help thwart future tragedies (Harding, 2018). According to the National School Safety Center, at-risk populations include students with little or no adult supervision/support who have a history of outbursts, depression, and serious disciplinary problems at home and in the community, as well as those who make violent threats and use abusive language toward others. Moreover, teachers should be well-informed of students who have brought weapons to school or have a fascination with weapons/explosives, display cruelty to animals, or have a history of substance use or suicidal ideation. Teachers should also consider students who have been truant, suspended or expelled from school at-risk, as well as students who isolate themselves from others or who are involved with bullying, either as perpetrators or victims (Stephens, 2019). Finally, and importantly, teachers must be cognizant of the material that students read, watch, or discuss in their writings. Anything that reflects anger, violence, or frustration should be taken seriously (Stephens, 2019). Certainly, school shooters have often shared their intent to harm with others, including Harris and Klebold (Cullen, 2004, 2009), Cho (CNN, 2007), Lanza (Weill, 2017), and Cruz (McLaughlin & Park, 2018).

The Role of School Leaders in Mass Shootings

While the role that teachers play in school violence is arguably understudied, an even more overlooked population in this topic area are school leaders (Espelage et al., 2013). School leaders, including principals, assistant principals, school resource officers, superintendents, and school board members, undoubtedly play important roles in the prevention of school shootings. For example, school principals are often the primary motivator for changes in school policy, including those which relate to school violence (Price, Khubchandant, Payton, & Thompson, 2016). More specifically, principals can influence change, lead initiatives of preventive measures, and guide students in the preparation of mass shootings. For example, a national assessment of secondary school principals found that the primary catalyst for the implementation of violence prevention programs was principals who personally saw a need for such programs (Price & Everett, 1997). Therefore, based on this finding, one may hypothesize that morality and personal ethics shapes one’s decision to pursue opportunities to prevent school violence in this manner, albeit there are other forms of prevention that require more of a group effort such as increasing awareness, implementing reporting systems, and increasing opportunities for individual treatment, peer mediation, and student access to community resources.

School principals in the United States find themselves in a unique position in that they are doing their job in an environment where they are dealing within increasing fears of a mass shooting from parents, students, and teachers, while the chances of an incident happening at their own school is relatively low. For example, Blad (2018) recently interviewed a school principal in Manassas, Virginia shortly after the Parkland school shooting in Florida and even though the principal was 1,000 miles away from the incident, he was dealing with concerns about how to increase safety in his school from parents and staff members. In situations following an incident like a mass shooting at another school, the knee-jerk reaction from the community may be for a school to react by scrambling to install expensive metal detectors and other safety equipment to protect students and teachers. While this may work to promote feelings of safety, Blad (2018) argues that maybe the best thing a principal can do following a mass shooting at another school is to simply offer reassurance to the school and local community. This does not mean that modifications like metal detectors are not useful in a school environment, but rather than focusing solely on physical modification, principals should also rely on communication of their existing plans and policies regarding mass shootings. For example, following a shooting drill at school in Virginia, one principal solicited input from parents, students, and teachers in a school-wide shared Google document, gaining meaningful feedback from multiple sources about what could have been done differently in the situation (Blad). This same principal discussed this importance of openness in his position, mentioning that he frequently posts on Twitter and keeps a blog where he regularly shares information about school safety and emergency preparedness with his community.

Additionally, as part of a school’s security plan, a district may employ school resource officers (SROs), who are trained police officers that uphold the policies of their agency on school grounds (Trotter, 2005). On any given school day in the United States, there are an estimated 20,000 SROs stationed in school, many of which are in middle and high schools (Kelly, 2016). While that number may seem like a lot, in reality less than half of the nation’s public schools has a SRO on duty (Kelly). SROs have the important job of promoting safety and security in the school environment; however, the mere presence of an SRO is not enough to stop an act of violence from happening in a school. For example, during the Columbine massacre there was a full time SRO from the local sheriff’s department on duty (Cullen, 2009). This is not to say that SROs are not useful in the school environment, it is rather meant to say that SROs need more than presence alone to be effective in reducing violence in schools. Booth and colleagues (2011) identified several areas where SROs can be influential in the school environment, such as helping to facilitate communication between teachers and administrators and developing relationships with students so both staff and students have an additional resource where they can go to report concerns (Booth, Van Hasselt, & Vecchi, 2011). While helping teachers and administrators, research also shows that the presence of a SRO reduces students’ fear of crime and increases their feelings of safety (Kelly, 2016).

While much of the literature has focused on school principals and SROs, it is important to also consider the role that superintendents play in school shootings. In regard to this, the AASA (The School Superintendents Association) recommends superintendents participate in the “ABC’s of School Safety” – Awareness, Balance, and Control. Awareness means that superintendents must be aware of the threat of violence on their campus, and be vigilant about protecting students. This requires frequent review and update of school safety policies and emergency preparedness procedures. Superintendents need to make students, parents, staff, and the community aware of these policies as well (AASA, 2019). Balance involved taking a level approach to school safety, meaning these individuals recognize that rather than taking a few extreme measures, safety is most effective when a combination of strategies are in play. Superintendents need to balance the need for a secure facility with the need to make sure school remain an open environment to enhance learning. This may mean that superintendents need to remind the public that while a very small fraction of school will experience extreme acts of violence, they still must strive to make schools a safe environment (AASA, 2019). Finally, superintendents need to control the access to the learning environment in their schools, taking into account the features of their school and the community that make them vulnerable to school violence. Recommended safety measures that may be implemented include the hiring of SROs, limiting the number of entry points to a school, and conducting regular emergency preparedness drills with faculty and staff (AASA, 2019).

In addition to those school leaders who are directly in the school environment on a daily basis, a district’s school board is also instrumental in promoting safety in a school environment. A 2011 report by the California School Board Association (CSBA) gives insight into the ways in which a school board can play a role in creating a safe school environment. One important thing a school board does is set the direction for the district. This can be accomplished by having clear, well written vision and/or mission statements that incorporate the importance of establishing safe school environments. CSBA suggests that the board invite students, families, staff, and the community to give input regarding these statements, recognizing that each district and community faces unique challenges that need to be incorporated into their policy (CBSA, 2011).

Further, in addition to adopting policy, school boards also need to adopt budgets that reflect the goals and priorities set forth in its vision and mission statements. While some school safety strategies can be implemented at little to no cost, some do require additional expenditures, and school board members need to recognize this and adequately fund measures that provide effective services (CBSA, 2011). Another way in which a school board can promote safety in the school environment is by holding the system accountable by actively monitoring whether a district is making progress toward its vision and goals, ensuring accountability at both the program and personnel level. Additionally, school board members should engage in community leadership and advocacy, targeting its efforts where appropriate to students, faculty, organizational leaders, the media, and even state, federal or local legislative and regulatory bodies (CBSA)

Conclusion

In this chapter, many incidents of mass shootings have been discussed, some of which have gained considerable notoriety over the years. Unfortunately, incidents such as Columbine and Virginia Tech continue to inspire a new generation of school shooters, looking to gain the same notoriety. For example, on April 30th, 2019, a suspected shooter, 22-year-old Trystan Terrell, opened fire on students giving final presentations at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte campus, killing two and injuring three others (Becker, 2019). Upon his confession Terrell admitted that he was inspired by the Sandy Hook Elementary school shooting, and that a considerable amount of planning had gone into his attack (Davenport, 2019). The UNC Charlotte shooting did not result in more deaths thanks to the fast action of campus police, 14 of whom were gathered nearby on the campus to go over a security plan for a concert that was occurring at the university later that day. The UNC Charlotte Chief of Police credits the officer’s ability to quickly disarm and takedown Terrell as a result of emergency preparedness and active shooter training that took place on campus in the years leading up to the incident (Davenport). In this particular incident, proactive approaches by school officials saved numerous lives.

Finally, it is also of interest to discuss how teachers and school leaders view their role in preventing mass shootings, as these are the people who interact with students on a constant basis and are on the frontlines when violence such as a mass shooting occurs (Facciolo, 2018; Smith & Tinsley, 2018). At this time, the current research regarding the role that teachers and other school leaders play in mass shooting incidents in very limited, and more research is needed to better understand the role they can and will continue to play in incidents. As this chapter has described, there are multiple lessons to be learned from prior tragedies, but perhaps the most important thing that has come from recent tragedies has been a renewed interest and debate regarding gun control in America. According to Alter (2018), the U.S. contains 4.4% of the world’s population, yet it accounts for over 40% of the world’s guns, and 30% of the world’s mass shooters are American. Some of the loudest voices in this most recent round of gun control debate have been student survivors of mass shootings, such as Parkland shooting survivor Emma Gonzalez, who has openly challenged the National Rifle Association’s influence on national politics, and Cameron Kasky, a junior from Marjory Stoneman Douglas who started the #NeverAgain movement (Alter). While these responses have been intense and met with much support, only time will tell if these efforts will yield any results. Still, in order to effectively address school shootings, policy implications must consider and include the role that teachers and school leaders play in reducing violence.

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